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STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS
(Senate - June 17, 1997)
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STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS
By Mr. THURMOND (for himself and Mr. Hollings):
S. 915. A bill to amend the Harmonized Tariff schedule of the United
States to suspend temporarily the duty on certain manufacturing
equipment; to the Committee on Finance.
duty suspension legislation
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce, along with
Senator Hollings, a bill which will suspend the duties imposed on
certain equipment used to manufacture earthmoving tires. Currently,
these machines are not manufactured in the United States nor is a
substitute readily available. Therefore, suspending the duties on these
items would not adversely affect domestic industries.
Mr. President, suspending the duty on these machines will benefit the
consumers of earthmoving tires. Currently, demand for these tires
exceeds supply and this suspension would not harm other manufacturers.
I hope the Senate will consider this measure expeditiously.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be
printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the bill was ordered to be printed in the
Record, as follows:
S. 915
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SUSPENSION OF DUTY ON CERTAIN MANUFACTURING
EQUIPMENT.
(a) In General.--Subchapter II of chapter 99 of the
Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States is amended by
inserting in numerical sequence the following new headings:
``9902.84.79.. Calendaring or
other rolling
machines for
rubber, valued at
not less than
$2,200,000 each,
numerically
controlled, or
parts thereof
(provided for in
subheading
8420.10.90,
8420.91.90, or
8420.99.90) and
material holding
devices or
similar
attachments
thereto.......... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000
9902.84.81.... Shearing machines
used to cut
metallic tissue
capable of a
straight cut of 5
m or more, valued
at not less than
$750,000 each,
numerically
controlled
(provided for in
subheading
8462.31.00)...... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000
9902.84.83.... Machine tools for
working wire of
iron or steel for
use in products
provided for in
subheading
4011.20.10,
valued at not
less than
$375,000 each,
numerically
controlled, or
parts thereof
(provided for in
subheading
8463.30.00)...... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000
9902.84.85.... Extruders of a
type used for
processing
rubber, valued at
not less than
$2,000,000 each,
numerically
controlled, or
parts thereof
(provided for in
subheading
8477.20.00 or
8477.90.80)...... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000
9902.84.87.... Machinery for
molding,
retreading, or
otherwise forming
uncured,
unvulcanized
rubber for use in
processing
products provided
for in subheading
4011.20.10,
valued at not
less than
$800,000 each,
capable of
holding cylinders
measuring 114
centimeters or
more in diameter,
numerically
controlled, or
parts thereof
(provided for in
subheading
8477.51.00 or
8477.90.80)...... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000
9902.84.89.... Sector mold press
machines used for
curing or
vulcanizing
rubber, valued at
not less than
$1,000,000 each,
weighing 135,000
kg or more,
numerically
controlled, or
parts thereof
(provided for in
subheading
8477.90.80)...... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000
9902.84.91.... Sawing machines,
valued at not
less than
$600,000 each,
weighing 18,000
kg or more, for
working cured,
vulcanized rubber
described in
heading 4011
(provided for in
subheading
8465.91.00)...... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000.''
(b) Effective Date.--
(1) General rule.--The amendment made by subsection (a)
applies with respect to goods entered, or withdrawn from
warehouse for consumption, on the date that is 15 days after
the date of enactment of this Act.
(2) Retroactive application to certain entries.--
Notwithstanding section 514 of the Tariff Act of 1930 (19
U.S.C. 1514) or any other provision of law, upon proper
request filed with the Customs Service before the 90th day
after the date of enactment of this Act, any entry, or
withdrawal from warehouse for consumption, of any goods
described in subheading 9902.84.79, 9902.84.81, 9902.84.83,
9902.84.85, 9902.84.87, 9902.84.89, or 9902.84.91 of the
Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States (as added by
subsection (a)) that was made--
(A) on or after May 1, 1997; and
(B) before the 15th day after the date of enactment of this
Act;
shall be liquidated or reliquidated as though such entry or
withdrawal occurred on the date that is 15 days after the
date of enactment of this Act.
Mr. HOLLINGS. Madam President, today, I, along with Senator Thurmond,
introduce duty suspension legislation designed to permit the import of
certain tire manufacturing equipment into the United States duty free.
U.S. companies do not manufacture the custom equipment to be imported,
and therefore its importation will not displace domestic sourcing.
Moreover, because the product at issue is manufacturing equipment, it
will assist in the creation of additional jobs in the tire
manufacturing industry.
I believe that this is the most appropriate use of duty suspension
legislation. The custom imported product will not displace any product
manufactured in the United States. Moreover, the imported product will
assist in creating more productive capacity in the United States. This
equipment will be used to manufacture a product that heretofore was not
made in the United States. I am therefore hopeful that this new
capacity can be used to supply both domestic and foreign needs and will
increase employment in the tire manufacturing industry.
______
By Mr. COCHRAN:
S. 916. A bill to designate the U.S. Post Office building located at
750 Highway 28 East in Taylorsville, MS, as the ``Blaine H. Eaton Post
Office Building''; to the Committee on Governmental Affairs.
THE BLAINE H. EATON POST OFFICE BUILDING DESIGNATION ACT OF 1997
Mr. COCHRAN. Mr. President, I am pleased to introduce legislation
designating the U.S. Post Office facility located in Taylorsville, MS,
as the ``Blaine H. Eaton Post Office Building.''
[[Page
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A native of Smith County, Mississippi, Mr. Eaton attended Jones
Junior College from 1932-34 and was named Alumni of the Year in 1984.
He also attended the University of Mississippi and George Washington
Law School.
He began his professional career as a farmer and cotton buyer for
Anderson-Clayton Co. and in 1942, he became the first executive
secretary to my predecessor in the Senate, U.S. Senator James O.
Eastland. Blaine Eaton served our Nation in the U.S. Navy from 1944 to
1946. Upon returning home from the war, he was elected to serve in the
Mississippi State House of Representatives, and he effectively served
the people of Smith County for 12 years. His leadership as chairman of
the Highway and Highway Finance Committee resulted in the successful
passage of the Farm-to-Market legislation that is still benefiting
Mississippians today as the State Aid Road Program. After leaving
public office in 1958, Blaine became the manager of the Southern Pine
Electric Power Association. His outstanding service and accomplishments
were recognized by the National Rural Electric Cooperative Association
with the Clyde T. Ellis Award for distinguished service and outstanding
leadership.
Although retiring from his professional career in 1982, Blaine
remained active in community service and enriched the lives of many by
volunteering his time and leadership abilities to such organizations as
the Lions International, the Hiram Masonic Lodge, the Southeast
Mississippi Livestock Association and the Economic Development
Foundation. He was also a loyal member of the First Baptist Church of
Taylorsville where he taught Sunday School classes for 25 years.
With the death of Blaine Eaton in 1995, our State lost one of its
finest citizens. Designating the Taylorsville Post Office as the
``Blaine H. Eaton Post Office Building'' will commemorate the public
service of this extraordinary Mississippian who dedicated his life to
the betterment of the community and State he loved so much.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the text of the bill be
printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the bill was ordered to be printed in the
Record, as follows:
S. 916
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. DESIGNATION OF BLAINE H. EATON POST OFFICE
BUILDING.
The United States Post Office building located at 750
Highway 28 East in Taylorsville, Mississippi, shall be known
and designated as the ``Blaine H. Eaton Post Office
Building''.
SEC. 2. REFERENCES.
Any reference in a law, map, regulation, document, paper,
or other record of the United States to the United States
Post Office building referred to in section 1 shall be deemed
to be a reference to the ``Blaine H. Eaton Post Office
Building''.
______
By Mr. TORRICELLI (for himself and Mrs. Feinstein):
S. 917. A bill to amend section 6105 of title 38, United States Code,
to expand the range of criminal offenses resulting in forfeiture of
veterans benefits; to the Committee on Veterans Affairs.
THE NATIONAL CEMETERIES SANCTITY ACT
Mr. TORRICELLI. Mr. President, I rise today, on behalf of myself and
the distinguished ranking member of the Terrorism Subcommittee Senator
Feinstein, to introduce the Protection of the Sanctity of National
Cemeteries Act.
In so doing, I urge my colleagues to join me in my effort to close a
huge loophole in our laws, which will allow Timothy McVeigh a hero's
burial in a national cemetery--even after the Federal Government puts
him to death for his heinous act of terrorism.
Mr. President, current law lists a whole host of criminal acts by
which even an honorably discharged veteran loses the right to burial in
a national cemetery. These acts include espionage, treason, sedition,
sabotage, rebellion and disclosure of national secrets, among other
offenses.
But for some reason, the use of a weapon of mass destruction against
the property or persons of the U.S. Government is not included in this
list. Nor is the murder of Federal law enforcement officers or the rest
of the offenses already included in the definition of a Federal crime
of terrorism. Each of these offenses is as clear a threat to the
National Security of the United States as the crimes already listed,
and should clearly disqualify the perpetrator from an honorable burial
at Government expense.
Because of this gaping loophole in the law, Timothy McVeigh--
amazingly--remains entitled to burial next to true national heroes--men
and women who have fought and died to defend this country and
everything it stands for. He remains entitled to this hero's burial
despite having committed the worst act of terrorism ever perpetrated on
American soil.
This situation is unacceptable. It is an insult to the memories of
the 168 victims killed in the Oklahoma City blast. It is an insult to
the memories of the truly courageous men and women who have earned and
maintained the right to a hero's burial by the Federal Government. And
it is an insult to justice, plain and simple.
Today, I am introducing a bill to close this loophole once and for
all. My bill would amend current law to include every crime listed as a
Federal crime of terrorism, including McVeigh's crimes, in the list of
disqualifiers for military burial. We should not provide honorable
burials for persons who commit acts of terrorism against the U.S.
Government. I urge my colleagues to support this bill, I ask unanimous-
consent that the full text of the bill be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the bill was ordered to be printed in the
Record, as follows:
S. 917
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``National Cemeteries Sanctity
Act''.
SEC. 2. EXPANSION OF CRIMINAL OFFENSES RESULTING IN
FORFEITURE OF VETERANS BENEFITS.
(a) In General.--Section 6105 of title 38, United States
code, is amended--
(1) in subsection (b)--
(A) in paragraph (2)--
(i) by inserting ``32, 37, 81, 175,'' before ``792,''; and
(ii) by inserting ``831, 842(m), 842(n), 844(e), 844(f),
844(i), 930(c), 956, 1114, 1116, 1203, 1361, 1363, 1366,
1751, 1992, 2152, 2280, 2281, 2332, 2332a, 2332b, 2332c,
2339A, 2339B, 2340A,'' after ``798,'';
(B) in paragraph (3)--
(i) by striking out ``and 226'' and inserting in lieu
thereof ``226, and 236'';
(ii) by striking out ``and 2276'' and inserting in lieu
thereof ``2276, and 2284''; and
(iii) by striking out ``and'' at the end;
(C) by redesignating paragraph (4) as paragraph (5); and
(D) by inserting after paragraph (3) the following new
paragraph (4):
``(4) sections 46502 and 60123(b) of title 49; and''; and
(2) in the second sentence of subsection (c), by striking
out ``or (4)'' and inserting in lieu thereof ``(4), or (5)''.
(b) conforming Amendments.--(1) The section heading for
such section is amended to read as follows:
``Sec. 6105. Forfeiture: subversive activities; terrorist
activities; other criminal activities''.
(2) The table of sections at the beginning of chapter 61 of
that title is amended by striking out the item relating to
section 6105 and inserting in lieu thereof the following new
item:
``6105. Forfeiture: subversive activities; terrorist activities; other
criminal activities.''.
(c) Applicability.--The amendments made to section 6105 of
title 38, United States Code, by subsection (a) shall apply
to any person convicted under a provision of law added to
such section by such amendments after December 31, 1996.
______
By Mr. KERRY (for himself, Mr. Wellstone, Mr. Glenn, Mr. Biden
and Mr. Leahy):
S. 918. A bill to reform the financing of Federal elections; to the
Committee on Rules and Administration.
THE CLEAN MONEY CLEAN ELECTIONS ACT
Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, the Fourth of July will occur in a little
over 2 weeks. That is the date by which the President challenged the
Congress to act on campaign finance reform in this first session of the
105th Congress. I regret I must announce the obvious: not only has
neither house of the Congress addressed this issue in serious floor
debate and legislative action; there is virtually no prospect that
either house will do so by the time we leave for the July 4 recess. Nor
is it clear when or if the 105th Congress will address this issue.
The Fourth of July has other implications, of course, Mr. President--
and
[[Page
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some of these, too, are related to campaign finance reform. This is a
peculiarly American holiday, when Americans throughout the Nation take
time out to gather in parks and back yards, at barbecues and picnics
and family reunions and community parades, to celebrate our democracy,
our freedom.
But I think there would be widespread agreement, as we do this in
1997, that there is an unease across the Nation about the political
process. The American people are concerned. Their concern is not
primarily about who their elected officials are. Their frustration,
cynicism, and anger run deep and broad--directed, as most of us
realize, at the entire political system.
Americans believe that their Government has been hijacked by special
interests, that the political system responds to the needs of wealthy
special interests, not the interests of ordinary, hard-working
citizens. They sense, in many ways, that the Congress is not
necessarily ``the people's house.''
We see evidence of this in the feeling of powerlessness described by
many Americans, and in the great gulf that grows wider between the
American people and their elected officials. You can see it expressed
frequently in town meetings and in various polls. The people feel that
Congress all too often fails to represent the real concerns of real
Americans, and they sense that they are being left out.
The result is that more and more Americans are checking out of the
system. If their democracy isn't going to respond to their concerns,
then they ask themselves why they should respond to the request that
they participate meaningfully in the political process. The reason for
the disconnect is very simple, Mr. President. The amount of money in
politics--money given to office seekers to campaign for office--
disenfranchises the average person who knows that he or she can never
hope to have the same kind of access as that money achieves for those
who give it.
Special interest money is moving and dictating and governing the
agenda of American politics, and most Americans understand that.
A few findings from a bipartisan poll tell the story: 49 percent of
registered voters believe that lobbyists and special interests control
the Federal Government; 92 percent of registered voters believe that
special interest contributions affect the votes of Members of Congress;
and 88 percent believe that people who make large campaign
contributions get special favors from politicians.
The evidence of public discontent could hardly be more compelling,
yet the Congress drifts on, with no apparent sense of urgency in trying
to respond to that discontent. We all understand there are differences
on each side of the aisle about the best way to address the problem,
but I do not see how anyone can say in good conscience that there is a
bona fide effort under way involving the leadership of both parties in
the U.S. Congress to even try to work out those differences.
If we want to regain the respect and confidence of the American
people and if we want to reconnect to them and reconnect them to our
democracy, we have to get the special interest money out of politics.
As my friend Ross Perot says, ``It's just that simple.''
The American people, however, are skeptical about either our
willingness or ability to do that, and it doesn't help that the 105th
Congress has yet to take up campaign finance reform. It doesn't help
that the President and the Speaker of the House shook hands in a very
public way 2 years ago and promised to do something about campaign
finance, and nothing has transpired between then and now to fulfill
that commitment, and from the perspective of the ordinary citizen who
wants to see the special interest money removed from politics, it
really looks like a conspiracy of inaction. Those who profit from the
current system --special interests who know how to play the game, and
politicians who know how to play the game--seem to be shutting down any
prospect of real change.
Mr. President, I know why people feel that way. I have been working
on campaign finance reform since I came to the Senate. I have worked
for years with my colleagues Joe Biden and Robert Byrd and others, and
with former Senators such as George Mitchell, David Boren, and Bill
Bradley--searching for the right equation to bring about change.
Although from my arrival in the Senate I have advocated sweeping
overhaul of the system, in recent times I have been a strong supporter
of the proposal advanced by John McCain and Russ Feingold, even though
it is incremental in design, because they succeeded in assembling a
package of reforms that bridged the party divide that so often has been
permitted to poison this debate and prevent meaningful action--and
because I believe so fervently that we must succeed to whatever extent
it is possible in moving toward what should be our objective.
Throughout these years of activity--the 12 years of my service as a
Senator--my goal has always been the same, to get special interest
influence and special interest access out of politics.
Mr. President, we come to the floor this afternoon on an auspicious
day--or, perhaps more accurately, an inauspicious day. In any event it
is a red-letter day for America. It was the day 25 years ago that was
the beginning of two very difficult years in American history. It was
25 years ago today that the famous burglary at the Watergate complex
overlooking the Potomac in Washington, DC, took place, followed by
coverup activities that reached into the Oval Office and resulted in
the resignation in disgrace of an American President.
During the investigation of the illegal activities, there were
multiple revelations of huge amounts of cash moving in brown paper bags
and leather briefcases. The public revulsion triggered real reform,
although that reform, sadly, was directed primarily toward only the
Presidential election financing system. But even that spirit of reform,
and the significant alterations of the system to which it led, has been
broken by those who want to trample it with the exploitation of every
loophole possible in the campaign finance system.
It is unfortunately fitting, then, Mr. President, that we return our
attention on this day to that nemesis of the democratic process, the
corrosive effect of money in politics.
This time, 25 years later, it is the no-holds-barred pursuit of quite
stunning amounts of money by both parties in the 1996 Presidential and
congressional elections that captures the attention and the
condemnation of the American people--and the allegations that many of
those who gave large sums to one or the other party, or one candidate
or another, expected favors in return, ranging from the trivial to the
significant.
The American people are not stupid. They know that there is no such
thing as a free lunch. They believe--with considerable justification--
that the scores of millions of dollars that flow from well-to-do
individuals and special interest organizations usually are not donated
out of absolute disinterested patriotism, admiration for the
candidates, and support for our electoral system.
They watch repeatedly as public policy decisions made by the Congress
and the Executive Branch appear to be influenced by those who have made
the contributions. They conclude--again, I fear, with considerable good
reason--that either those contributions directly affected the decision-
making process, or, at the very least, purchased for those contributors
a greater degree of access to the elected officials who make the
decisions, so that the contributors can more effectively and
persuasively make their case.
During this past election, 1996, not only in congressional races but
also, distressingly, in the Presidential campaign--and it is especially
distressing because many of us thought the Watergate reform legislation
of 1974 had suitably repaired the system of presidential campaign
finance--we saw a flood of special interest money the likes of which
have never previously been seen here or anywhere.
Every day during the past year, it has been impossible to open a
newspaper or turn on a television without being confronted by yet
another new revelation about an alleged campaign finance irregularity
or abuse--or a defense of the actions at which the charges are leveled.
And, I must say, the defenses are generally pretty lame. Those
against whom the allegations are leveled may be able to find protection
in the letter
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of the law, but they are unsuccessful in avoiding the opprobrium of the
American people and consequent cynicism about our government system.
I am one who believes we absolutely must do something to reverse the
trend if we are to save our precious democratic system. And I also have
concluded that the forces arrayed against the kind of partial public
financing approaches we previously have pushed are so strong that we
must find a new approach behind which it will be possible to develop
such strong consensus support across the nation that the Congress will
be unable to resist it.
To the extent competent polling and other public opinion assessment
techniques can make a reliable determination, the evidence is
persuasive that, while the American people are willing to embrace
radical change of campaign financing--to take all special interest
money and heave it over the side and shoulder all reasonable campaign
costs--they have only passing interest and precious little enthusiasm
for half-way measures. Their judgment appears to be that it would be a
waste of effort and tax dollars to invest public resources in a system
that retains any significant degree of special interest funding. They
see such an approach as playing them for chumps--while the influence of
special interests would remain as strong as it currently is.
What does seem to capture the attention and imagination--and
support--of a significant majority of Americans is sweeping reform of
campaign finance that removes all special interest money from the
system. This is not a notion dreamed up here in Washington--either here
on Capitol Hill or in an organization's office downtown. Activities to
implement such an approach to campaign finance reform have been
underway in a number of States, including my own State of
Massachusetts. Maine voters took the boldest step, approving such a
concept for State elections. Now Vermont has followed suit with a
provision applying to the Governor's office, and Governor Howard Dean
is poised to sign the proposal into law. Other State-level efforts are
in various stages of advancement.
Paul Wellstone and John Glenn came early-on to the same conclusion to
which I came--that we want to champion such an approach at the federal
level. And we have been joined by Joe Biden and Pat Leahy, and other
Senators are studying the idea carefully and we hope and trust we will
be joined by some of them in the near future.
We come to the floor today to introduce the Clean Money, Clean
Elections Act, a bill that, as its most important feature, takes all
special interest money out of Federal elections. This initiative will
offer a set amount of funding, based on a State's voting-age
population, to each candidate who agrees to foreswear private
contributions. It not only removes all special interest money from the
system, but also removes the necessity for candidates to spend a huge
amount of time fundraising and to pour massive amounts of the money
they do raise into further fundraising efforts.
In addition, this legislation will shut down the so-called soft
money, or unregulated money, loopholes that have permitted massive
amounts of special interest money to enter the electoral process around
even those restrictions that now exist.
This process takes a major step forward today with the introduction
of this legislation. Comparable efforts are underway in the House of
Representatives, and I understand a similar bill will be introduced
there in coming weeks.
We believe the people are, once again, ahead of Washington--and, once
again, ahead of the politicians. And we believe that ultimately this or
a derivative approach is the only way effectively to restore people's
confidence that, in America, anybody truly can run, and win--not just
those who have access to wealth or who are wealthy themselves.
This is a bill to restore our own democracy and preserve what we
think is the heart of our precious system. We hope and believe that--
with a strong assist from their constituents--increasing numbers of our
colleagues, over time, will come to recognize this and support the
bill.
This will not be a rapidly completed process, Mr. President. We
introduce this bill with the knowledge that it would not attract more
than perhaps a quarter of the votes in the Senate today. This will be a
journey, a journey of mobilizing the American people to require their
elected representatives to take needed action. Our bill will be the
objective, and it also will be the rallying point. And with the
commitment of the organizations and individuals who advocate this
approach, a movement will develop which cannot be stopped. Just as in
Maine and now in Vermont, the support will grow to critical mass and
these reforms will succeed.
I look forward to walking this road with all who support this
approach--both my colleagues in the Senate and friends outside the
Senate. We who introduce this bill are committed to fundamentally
changing our electoral system, and returning control of our elected
officials and their agenda to the people after wresting it back from
the special interests.
I believe we will succeed, and can look back on this day--the 25th
anniversary of a lamentable event in American history--as an important
beginning point in that endeavor.
I want to commend those colleagues who join in introducing this
legislation today--Senators Wellstone, Glenn, Biden, and Leahy. I
particularly want to compliment Senator Wellstone's capable staff,
especially Brian Ahlberg, who have invested countless hours in the
effort that is so essential but often unnoticed, of transforming
complex policy objectives into legislative language, working hand-in-
hand with Senate Legislative Counsel staff and representatives of
organizations which have been developing this idea at the State level.
My staff has greatly appreciated their contributions to this effort and
enjoyed working with them, as I have enjoyed the cooperative efforts
with Senator Wellstone and my other colleagues.
Mr. President, before I yield to Senator Wellstone and then, in turn,
to other Senators who may wish to make remarks about this legislation,
I ask unanimous consent that the full text of the bill be printed in
the Record at the conclusion of my remarks, followed by a summary of
the bill and a chart depicting the qualifying contribution requirement
and the ``Clean Money'' allocation and spending limit for a general
election that would apply to a candidate participating in the ``Clean
Money, Clean Election'' system in each State.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
S. 918
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Clean
Money, Clean Elections Act''.
(b) Table of Contents.--
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.
TITLE I--CLEAN MONEY FINANCING OF SENATE ELECTION CAMPAIGNS
Sec. 101. Findings and declarations.
Sec. 102. Eligibility requirements and benefits of clean money
financing of Senate election campaigns.
Sec. 103. Reporting requirements for expenditures of private money
candidates.
Sec. 104. Transition rule for current election cycle.
TITLE II--INDEPENDENT EXPENDITURES; COORDINATED EXPENDITURES
Sec. 201. Reporting requirements for independent expenditures.
Sec. 202. Definition of independent expenditure.
Sec. 203. Limit on expenditures by political party committees.
Sec. 204. Party independent expenditures and coordinated expenditures.
TITLE III--VOTER INFORMATION
Sec. 301. Free broadcast time.
Sec. 302. Broadcast rates and preemption.
Sec. 303. Campaign advertisements; issue advertisements.
Sec. 304. Limit on congressional use of the franking privilege.
TITLE IV--SOFT MONEY OF POLITICAL PARTY COMMITTEES
Sec. 401. Soft money of political party committee.
Sec. 402. State party grassroots funds.
Sec. 403. Reporting requirements.
TITLE V--RESTRUCTURING AND STRENGTHENING OF THE FEDERAL ELECTION
COMMISSION
Sec. 501. Appointment and terms of commissioners.
Sec. 502. Audits.
Sec. 503. Authority to seek injunction.
[[Page
S5795]]
Sec. 504. Standard for investigation.
Sec. 505. Petition for certiorari.
Sec. 506. Expedited procedures.
Sec. 507. Filing of reports using computers and facsimile machines.
Sec. 508. Power to issue subpoena without signature of chairperson.
Sec. 509. Prohibition of contributions by individuals not qualified to
vote.
TITLE VI--EFFECTIVE DATE
Sec. 601. Effective date.
TITLE I--CLEAN MONEY FINANCING OF SENATE ELECTION CAMPAIGNS
SEC. 101. FINDINGS AND DECLARATIONS.
(a) Undermining of Democracy by Campaign Contributions From
Private Sources.--The Senate finds and declares that the
current system of privately financed campaigns for election
to the Senate undermines democracy in the United States by--
(1) violating the democratic principle of ``one person, one
vote'' and diminishing the meaning of the right to vote by
allowing monied interests to have a disproportionate and
unfair influence within the political process;
(2) diminishing a Senator's accountability to constituents
by compelling legislators to be accountable to the major
contributors who finance their election campaigns;
(3) creating a conflict of interest, perceived and real, by
encouraging Senators to take money from private interests
that are directly affected by Federal legislation;
(4) imposing large, unwarranted costs on taxpayers through
legislative and regulatory outcomes shaped by unequal access
to lawmakers for campaign contributors;
(5) driving up the cost of election campaigns, making it
difficult for qualified candidates without personal fortunes
or access to campaign contributions from monied individuals
and interest groups to mount competitive Senate election
campaigns;
(6) disadvantaging challengers, because large campaign
contributors tend to give their money to incumbent Senators,
thus causing Senate elections to be less competitive; and
(7) burdening incumbents with a preoccupation with
fundraising and thus decreasing the time available to carry
out their public responsibilities.
(b) Enhancement of Democracy by Providing Clean Money.--The
Senate finds and declares that the replacement of private
campaign contributions with clean money financing for all
primary, runoff, and general elections to the Senate would
enhance American democracy by--
(1) helping to eliminate access to wealth as a determinant
of a citizen's influence within the political process and to
restore meaning to the principle of ``one person, one vote'';
(2) increasing the accountability of Senators to the
constituents who elect them;
(3) eliminating the inherent conflict of interest caused by
the private financing of the election campaigns of public
officials, thus restoring public confidence in the fairness
of the electoral and legislative processes;
(4) reversing the escalating cost of elections and saving
taxpayers billions of dollars that are currently misspent due
to legislative and regulatory agendas skewed by the influence
of contributions;
(5) creating a more level playing field for incumbents and
challengers, creating genuine opportunities for all Americans
to run for the Senate, and encouraging more competitive
elections; and
(6) freeing Senators from the constant preoccupation with
raising money, and allowing them more time to carry out their
public responsibilities.
SEC. 102. ELIGIBILITY REQUIREMENTS AND BENEFITS OF CLEAN
MONEY FINANCING OF SENATE ELECTION CAMPAIGNS.
The Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 (2 U.S.C. 431 et
seq.) is amended by adding at the end the following:
``TITLE V--CLEAN MONEY FINANCING OF SENATE ELECTION CAMPAIGNS
``SEC. 501. DEFINITIONS.
``In this title:
``(1) Allowable contribution.--The term `allowable
contribution' means a qualifying contribution or seed money
contribution.
``(2) Clean money.--The term `clean money' means funds that
are made available by the Commission to a clean money
candidate under this title.
``(3) Clean money candidate.--The term `clean money
candidate' means a candidate for the Senate who is certified
under section 505 as being eligible to receive clean money.
``(4) Clean money qualifying period.--The term `clean money
qualifying period' means the period beginning on the date
that is 270 days before the date of the primary election and
ending on the date that is 30 days before the date of the
general election.
``(5) General election period.--The term `general election
period' means, with respect to a candidate, the period
beginning on the day after the date of the primary or primary
runoff election for the specific office that the candidate is
seeking, whichever is later, and ending on the earlier of--
``(A) the date of the general election; or
``(B) the date on which the candidate withdraws from the
campaign or otherwise ceases actively to seek election.
``(6) General runoff election period.--The term `general
runoff election period' means, with respect to a candidate,
the period beginning on the day following the date of the
last general election for the specific office that the
candidate is seeking and ending on the date of the runoff
election for that office.
``(7) Immediate family.--The term `immediate family'
means--
``(A) a candidate's spouse;
``(B) a child, stepchild, parent, grandparent, brother,
half-brother, sister, or half-sister of the candidate or the
candidate's spouse; and
``(C) the spouse of any person described in subparagraph
(B).
``(8) Major party candidate.--The term `major party
candidate' means a candidate of a political party of which a
candidate for Senator, for President, or for Governor in the
preceding 5 years received, as a candidate of that party, 25
percent or more of the total number of popular votes received
in the State by all candidates for the same office.
``(9) Personal funds.--The term `personal funds' means an
amount that is derived from--
``(A) the personal funds of the candidate or a member of
the candidate's immediate family; and
``(B) proceeds of indebtedness incurred by the candidate or
a member of the candidate's immediate family.
``(10) Personal use.--
``(A) In general.--The term `personal use' means the use of
funds to fulfill a commitment, obligation, or expense of a
person that would exist irrespective of the candidate's
election campaign or individual's duties as a holder of
Federal office.
``(B) Inclusions.--The term `personal use' includes--
``(i) a home mortgage, rent, or utility payment;
``(ii) a clothing purchase;
``(iii) a noncampaign-related automobile expense;
``(iv) a country club membership;
``(v) a vacation or other noncampaign-related trip;
``(vi) a household food item;
``(vii) a tuition payment;
``(viii) admission to a sporting event, concert, theater,
or other form of entertainment not associated with an
election campaign; and
``(ix) dues, fees, and other payments to a health club or
recreational facility.
``(11) Primary election period.--The term `primary election
period' means the period beginning on the date that is 90
days before the date of the primary election and ending on
the date of the primary election.
``(12) Primary runoff election period.--The term `primary
runoff election period' means, with respect to a candidate,
the period beginning on the day following the date of the
last primary election for the specific office that the
candidate is seeking and ending on the date of the runoff
election for that office.
``(13) Private money candidate.--The term `private money
candidate' means a candidate for the Senate other than a
clean money candidate.
``(14) Qualifying contribution.--The term `qualifying
contribution' means a contribution that--
``(A) is in the amount of $5 exactly;
``(B) is made by an individual who is registered to vote in
the candidate's State;
``(C) is made during the clean money qualifying period; and
``(D) meets the requirements of section 502(a)(2)(D).
``(15) Seed money contribution.--The term `seed money
contribution' means a contribution (or contributions in the
aggregate made by any 1 person) of not more than $100.
``(16) Senate election fund.--The term `Senate Election
Fund' means the fund established by section 507(a).
``SEC. 502. ELIGIBILITY FOR CLEAN MONEY.
``(a) Primary Election Period and Primary Runoff Election
Period.--
``(1) In general.--A candidate qualifies as a clean money
candidate during the primary election period and primary
runoff election period if the candidate files with the
Commission a declaration, signed by the candidate and the
treasurer of the candidate's principal campaign committee,
that the candidate--
``(A) has complied and will comply with all of the
requirements of this title;
``(B) will not run in the general election as a private
money candidate; and
``(C) meets the qualifying contribution requirement of
paragraph (2).
``(2) Qualifying contribution requirement.--
``(A) Major party candidates.--The requirement of this
paragraph is met if, during the clean money qualifying
period, a major party candidate receives the greater of--
``(i) 1,000 qualifying contributions; or
``(ii) a number of qualifying contributions equal to 0.25
percent of the voting age population of the candidate's
State.
``(B) Candidates that are not major party candidates.--The
requirement of this paragraph is met if, during the clean
money qualifying period, a candidate that is not a major
party candidate receives a number of qualifying contributions
that is at least 150 percent of the number of qualifying
contributions that a major party candidate in the same
election is required to receive under subparagraph (A).
``(C) Receipt of qualifying contribution.--A qualifying
contribution shall--
``(i) be accompanied by the contributor's name and home
address;
[[Page
S5796]]
``(ii) be accompanied by a signed statement that the
contributor understands the purpose of the qualifying
contribution;
``(iii) be made by a personal check or money order payable
to the Senate Election Fund or by cash; and
``(iv) be acknowledged by a receipt that is sent to the
contributor with a copy kept by the candidate for the
Commission and a copy kept by the candidate for the election
authorities in the candidate's State.
``(D) Deposit of qualifying contributions in senate
election fund.--
``(i) In general.--Not later than the date that is 1 day
after the date on which the candidate is certified under
section 505, a candidate shall remit all qualifying
contributions to the Commission for deposit in the Senate
Election Fund.
``(ii) Candidates that are not certified.--Not later than
the last day of the clean money qualifying period, a
candidate who has received qualifying contributions and is
not certified under section 505 shall remit all qualifying
contributions to the Commission for deposit in the Senate
Election Fund.
``(3) Time to file declaration.--A declaration under
paragraph (1) shall be filed by a candidate not later than
the date that is 30 days before the date of the primary
election.
``(b) General Election Period.--
``(1) In general.--A candidate qualifies as a clean money
candidate during the general election period if--
``(A)(i) the candidate qualified as a clean money candidate
during the primary election period (and primary runoff
election period, if applicable); or
``(ii) the candidate files with the Commission a
declaration, signed by the candidate and the treasurer of the
candidate's principal committee, that the candidate--
``(I) has complied and will comply with all the
requirements of this title; and
``(II) meets the qualifying contribution requirement of
subsection (a)(2);
``(B) the candidate files with the Commission a written
agreement between the candidate and the candidate's political
party in which the political party agrees not to make any
expenditures in connection with the general election of the
candidate in excess of the limit in section 315(d)(3)(C); and
``(C) the candidate's party nominated the candidate to be
placed on the ballot for the general election or the
candidate qualified to be placed on the ballot as an
independent candidate, and the candidate is qualified under
State law to be on the ballot.
``(2) Time to file declaration or statement.--A declaration
or statement required to be filed under paragraph (1) shall
be filed by a candidate not later than the date that is 30
days before the date of the general election.
``(c) General Runoff Election Period.--A candidate
qualifies as a clean money candidate during the general
runoff election period if the candidate qualified as a clean
money candidate during the general election period.
``SEC. 503. REQUIREMENTS APPLICABLE TO CLEAN MONEY
CANDIDATES.
``(a) Obligation To Comply.--A clean money candidate who
accepts benefits during the primary election period shall
comply with all the requirements of this Act through the
primary runoff election period, the general election period,
and the general runoff election period (if applicable)
whether the candidate continues to accept benefits or not.
``(b) Contributions and Expenditures.--
``(1) Prohibition of private contributions.--Except as
otherwise provided in this title, during the election cycle
of a clean money candidate, the candidate shall not accept
contributions other than clean money from any source.
``(2) Prohibition of expenditures from private sources.--
Except as otherwise provided in this title, during the
election cycle of a clean money candidate, the candidate
shall not make expenditures from any amounts other than clean
money amounts.
``(c) Use of Personal Funds.--
``(1) In general.--A clean money candidate shall not use
personal funds to make an expenditure except as provided in
paragraph (2).
``(2) Exceptions.--A seed money contribution or qualifying
contribution from the candidate or a member of the
candidate's immediate family shall not be considered to be
use of personal funds.
``(d) Debates.--
``(1) Number of debates.--A clean money candidate shall
participate in at least--
``(A) 1 public debate with other clean money candidates
from the same party for the same office during the primary
election period; and
``(B) 2 public debates with other clean money candidates
for the same office during the general election period.
``(2) Regulation.--The Commission shall promulgate a
regulation as necessary to carry out paragraph (1).
``SEC. 504. SEED MONEY.
``(a) Seed Money Limit.--A clean money candidate may accept
seed money contributions in an aggregate amount not
exceeding--
``(1) $50,000; plus
``(2) if there is more than 1 congressional district in the
candidate's State, an amount that is equal to $5,000 times
the number of additional congressional districts.
``(b) Contribution Limit.--Except as provided in section
502(a)(2), a clean money candidate shall not accept a
contribution from any person except a seed money contribution
(as defined in section 501).
``(c) Records.--A clean money candidate shall maintain a
record of the contributor's name, street address, and amount
of the contribution.
``(d) Use of Seed Money.--
``(1) In general.--A clean money candidate may expend seed
money for any election campaign-related costs, including
costs to open an office, fund a grassroots campaign, or hold
community meetings.
``(2) Prohibited uses.--A clean money candidate shall not
expend seed money for--
``(A) a television or radio broadcast; or
``(B) personal use.
``(e) Report.--Unless a seed money contribution or
expenditure made with a seed money contribution has been
reported previously under section 304, a clean money
candidate shall file with the Commission a report disclosing
all seed money contributions and expenditures not later than
48 hours after--
``(1) the earliest date on which the Commission makes funds
available to the candidate for an election period under
paragraph (1) or (2) of section 506(b); or
``(2) the end of the clean money qualifying period,
whichever occurs first.
``(f) Time to Accept and Expend Seed Money Contributions.--
A clean money candidate may accept and expend seed money
contributions for an election during the time period
beginning on the day after the date of the previous general
election for the office to which the candidate is seeking
election and ending on the earliest date on which the
Commission makes funds available to the candidate for an
election period under paragraph (1) or (2) of section 506(b).
``(g) Deposit of Unspent Seed Money Contributions.--A clean
money candidate shall remit any unspent seed money to the
Commission, for deposit in the Senate Election Fund, not
later than the earliest date on which the Commission makes
funds available to the candidate for an election period under
paragraph (1) or (2) of section 506(b).
``(h) Not Considered an expenditure.--An expenditure made
with seed money shall not be treated as an expenditure for
purposes of section 506(f)(2).
``SEC. 505. CERTIFICATION BY COMMISSION.
``(a) In General.--Not later than 5 days after a candidate
files a declaration under section 502, the Commission shall--
``(1) determine whether the candidate meets the eligibility
requirements of section 502; and
``(2) certify whether or not the candidate is a clean money
candidate.
``(b) Revocation of Certification.--The Commission may
revoke a certification under subsection (a) if a candidate
fails to comply with this title.
``(c) Repayment of Benefits.--If certification is revoked
under subsection (b), the candidate shall repay to the Senate
Election Fund an amount equal to the value of benefits
received under this title.
``SEC. 506. BENEFITS FOR CLEAN MONEY CANDIDATES.
``(a) In General.--A clean money candidate shall be
entitled to--
``(1) a clean money amount for each election period to make
or obligate to make expenditures during the election period
for which the clean money is provided, as provided in
subsection (c);
``(2) media benefits under section 315 of the
Communications Act of 1934 (47 U.S.C. 315); and
``(3) an aggregate amount of increase in the clean money
amount in response to certain independent expenditures and
expenditures of a private money candidate under subsection
(d) that, in the aggregate, are in excess of 125 percent of
the clean money amount of the clean money candidate.
``(b) Payment of Clean Money Amount.--
``(1) Primary election.--The Commission shall make funds
available to a clean money candidate on the later of--
``(A) the date on which the candidate is certified as a
clean money candidate under section 505; or
``(B) the date on which the primary election period begins.
``(2) General election.--The Commission shall make funds
available to a clean money candidate not later than 48 hours
after--
``(A) certification of the primary election or primary
runoff election result; or
``(B) the date on which the candidate is certified as a
clean money candidate under section 505 for the general
election,
whichever occurs first.
``(3) Runoff election.--The Commission shall make funds
available to a clean money candidate not later than 48 hours
after the certification of the primary or general election
result (as applicable).
``(c) Clean Money Amounts.--
``(1) Primary election clean money
Major Actions:
All articles in Senate section
STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS
(Senate - June 17, 1997)
Text of this article available as:
TXT
PDF
[Pages
S5791-S5875]
STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS
By Mr. THURMOND (for himself and Mr. Hollings):
S. 915. A bill to amend the Harmonized Tariff schedule of the United
States to suspend temporarily the duty on certain manufacturing
equipment; to the Committee on Finance.
duty suspension legislation
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce, along with
Senator Hollings, a bill which will suspend the duties imposed on
certain equipment used to manufacture earthmoving tires. Currently,
these machines are not manufactured in the United States nor is a
substitute readily available. Therefore, suspending the duties on these
items would not adversely affect domestic industries.
Mr. President, suspending the duty on these machines will benefit the
consumers of earthmoving tires. Currently, demand for these tires
exceeds supply and this suspension would not harm other manufacturers.
I hope the Senate will consider this measure expeditiously.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be
printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the bill was ordered to be printed in the
Record, as follows:
S. 915
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SUSPENSION OF DUTY ON CERTAIN MANUFACTURING
EQUIPMENT.
(a) In General.--Subchapter II of chapter 99 of the
Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States is amended by
inserting in numerical sequence the following new headings:
``9902.84.79.. Calendaring or
other rolling
machines for
rubber, valued at
not less than
$2,200,000 each,
numerically
controlled, or
parts thereof
(provided for in
subheading
8420.10.90,
8420.91.90, or
8420.99.90) and
material holding
devices or
similar
attachments
thereto.......... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000
9902.84.81.... Shearing machines
used to cut
metallic tissue
capable of a
straight cut of 5
m or more, valued
at not less than
$750,000 each,
numerically
controlled
(provided for in
subheading
8462.31.00)...... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000
9902.84.83.... Machine tools for
working wire of
iron or steel for
use in products
provided for in
subheading
4011.20.10,
valued at not
less than
$375,000 each,
numerically
controlled, or
parts thereof
(provided for in
subheading
8463.30.00)...... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000
9902.84.85.... Extruders of a
type used for
processing
rubber, valued at
not less than
$2,000,000 each,
numerically
controlled, or
parts thereof
(provided for in
subheading
8477.20.00 or
8477.90.80)...... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000
9902.84.87.... Machinery for
molding,
retreading, or
otherwise forming
uncured,
unvulcanized
rubber for use in
processing
products provided
for in subheading
4011.20.10,
valued at not
less than
$800,000 each,
capable of
holding cylinders
measuring 114
centimeters or
more in diameter,
numerically
controlled, or
parts thereof
(provided for in
subheading
8477.51.00 or
8477.90.80)...... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000
9902.84.89.... Sector mold press
machines used for
curing or
vulcanizing
rubber, valued at
not less than
$1,000,000 each,
weighing 135,000
kg or more,
numerically
controlled, or
parts thereof
(provided for in
subheading
8477.90.80)...... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000
9902.84.91.... Sawing machines,
valued at not
less than
$600,000 each,
weighing 18,000
kg or more, for
working cured,
vulcanized rubber
described in
heading 4011
(provided for in
subheading
8465.91.00)...... Free No
change No
change On or
before
12/31/
2000.''
(b) Effective Date.--
(1) General rule.--The amendment made by subsection (a)
applies with respect to goods entered, or withdrawn from
warehouse for consumption, on the date that is 15 days after
the date of enactment of this Act.
(2) Retroactive application to certain entries.--
Notwithstanding section 514 of the Tariff Act of 1930 (19
U.S.C. 1514) or any other provision of law, upon proper
request filed with the Customs Service before the 90th day
after the date of enactment of this Act, any entry, or
withdrawal from warehouse for consumption, of any goods
described in subheading 9902.84.79, 9902.84.81, 9902.84.83,
9902.84.85, 9902.84.87, 9902.84.89, or 9902.84.91 of the
Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States (as added by
subsection (a)) that was made--
(A) on or after May 1, 1997; and
(B) before the 15th day after the date of enactment of this
Act;
shall be liquidated or reliquidated as though such entry or
withdrawal occurred on the date that is 15 days after the
date of enactment of this Act.
Mr. HOLLINGS. Madam President, today, I, along with Senator Thurmond,
introduce duty suspension legislation designed to permit the import of
certain tire manufacturing equipment into the United States duty free.
U.S. companies do not manufacture the custom equipment to be imported,
and therefore its importation will not displace domestic sourcing.
Moreover, because the product at issue is manufacturing equipment, it
will assist in the creation of additional jobs in the tire
manufacturing industry.
I believe that this is the most appropriate use of duty suspension
legislation. The custom imported product will not displace any product
manufactured in the United States. Moreover, the imported product will
assist in creating more productive capacity in the United States. This
equipment will be used to manufacture a product that heretofore was not
made in the United States. I am therefore hopeful that this new
capacity can be used to supply both domestic and foreign needs and will
increase employment in the tire manufacturing industry.
______
By Mr. COCHRAN:
S. 916. A bill to designate the U.S. Post Office building located at
750 Highway 28 East in Taylorsville, MS, as the ``Blaine H. Eaton Post
Office Building''; to the Committee on Governmental Affairs.
THE BLAINE H. EATON POST OFFICE BUILDING DESIGNATION ACT OF 1997
Mr. COCHRAN. Mr. President, I am pleased to introduce legislation
designating the U.S. Post Office facility located in Taylorsville, MS,
as the ``Blaine H. Eaton Post Office Building.''
[[Page
S5792]]
A native of Smith County, Mississippi, Mr. Eaton attended Jones
Junior College from 1932-34 and was named Alumni of the Year in 1984.
He also attended the University of Mississippi and George Washington
Law School.
He began his professional career as a farmer and cotton buyer for
Anderson-Clayton Co. and in 1942, he became the first executive
secretary to my predecessor in the Senate, U.S. Senator James O.
Eastland. Blaine Eaton served our Nation in the U.S. Navy from 1944 to
1946. Upon returning home from the war, he was elected to serve in the
Mississippi State House of Representatives, and he effectively served
the people of Smith County for 12 years. His leadership as chairman of
the Highway and Highway Finance Committee resulted in the successful
passage of the Farm-to-Market legislation that is still benefiting
Mississippians today as the State Aid Road Program. After leaving
public office in 1958, Blaine became the manager of the Southern Pine
Electric Power Association. His outstanding service and accomplishments
were recognized by the National Rural Electric Cooperative Association
with the Clyde T. Ellis Award for distinguished service and outstanding
leadership.
Although retiring from his professional career in 1982, Blaine
remained active in community service and enriched the lives of many by
volunteering his time and leadership abilities to such organizations as
the Lions International, the Hiram Masonic Lodge, the Southeast
Mississippi Livestock Association and the Economic Development
Foundation. He was also a loyal member of the First Baptist Church of
Taylorsville where he taught Sunday School classes for 25 years.
With the death of Blaine Eaton in 1995, our State lost one of its
finest citizens. Designating the Taylorsville Post Office as the
``Blaine H. Eaton Post Office Building'' will commemorate the public
service of this extraordinary Mississippian who dedicated his life to
the betterment of the community and State he loved so much.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the text of the bill be
printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the bill was ordered to be printed in the
Record, as follows:
S. 916
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. DESIGNATION OF BLAINE H. EATON POST OFFICE
BUILDING.
The United States Post Office building located at 750
Highway 28 East in Taylorsville, Mississippi, shall be known
and designated as the ``Blaine H. Eaton Post Office
Building''.
SEC. 2. REFERENCES.
Any reference in a law, map, regulation, document, paper,
or other record of the United States to the United States
Post Office building referred to in section 1 shall be deemed
to be a reference to the ``Blaine H. Eaton Post Office
Building''.
______
By Mr. TORRICELLI (for himself and Mrs. Feinstein):
S. 917. A bill to amend section 6105 of title 38, United States Code,
to expand the range of criminal offenses resulting in forfeiture of
veterans benefits; to the Committee on Veterans Affairs.
THE NATIONAL CEMETERIES SANCTITY ACT
Mr. TORRICELLI. Mr. President, I rise today, on behalf of myself and
the distinguished ranking member of the Terrorism Subcommittee Senator
Feinstein, to introduce the Protection of the Sanctity of National
Cemeteries Act.
In so doing, I urge my colleagues to join me in my effort to close a
huge loophole in our laws, which will allow Timothy McVeigh a hero's
burial in a national cemetery--even after the Federal Government puts
him to death for his heinous act of terrorism.
Mr. President, current law lists a whole host of criminal acts by
which even an honorably discharged veteran loses the right to burial in
a national cemetery. These acts include espionage, treason, sedition,
sabotage, rebellion and disclosure of national secrets, among other
offenses.
But for some reason, the use of a weapon of mass destruction against
the property or persons of the U.S. Government is not included in this
list. Nor is the murder of Federal law enforcement officers or the rest
of the offenses already included in the definition of a Federal crime
of terrorism. Each of these offenses is as clear a threat to the
National Security of the United States as the crimes already listed,
and should clearly disqualify the perpetrator from an honorable burial
at Government expense.
Because of this gaping loophole in the law, Timothy McVeigh--
amazingly--remains entitled to burial next to true national heroes--men
and women who have fought and died to defend this country and
everything it stands for. He remains entitled to this hero's burial
despite having committed the worst act of terrorism ever perpetrated on
American soil.
This situation is unacceptable. It is an insult to the memories of
the 168 victims killed in the Oklahoma City blast. It is an insult to
the memories of the truly courageous men and women who have earned and
maintained the right to a hero's burial by the Federal Government. And
it is an insult to justice, plain and simple.
Today, I am introducing a bill to close this loophole once and for
all. My bill would amend current law to include every crime listed as a
Federal crime of terrorism, including McVeigh's crimes, in the list of
disqualifiers for military burial. We should not provide honorable
burials for persons who commit acts of terrorism against the U.S.
Government. I urge my colleagues to support this bill, I ask unanimous-
consent that the full text of the bill be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the bill was ordered to be printed in the
Record, as follows:
S. 917
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``National Cemeteries Sanctity
Act''.
SEC. 2. EXPANSION OF CRIMINAL OFFENSES RESULTING IN
FORFEITURE OF VETERANS BENEFITS.
(a) In General.--Section 6105 of title 38, United States
code, is amended--
(1) in subsection (b)--
(A) in paragraph (2)--
(i) by inserting ``32, 37, 81, 175,'' before ``792,''; and
(ii) by inserting ``831, 842(m), 842(n), 844(e), 844(f),
844(i), 930(c), 956, 1114, 1116, 1203, 1361, 1363, 1366,
1751, 1992, 2152, 2280, 2281, 2332, 2332a, 2332b, 2332c,
2339A, 2339B, 2340A,'' after ``798,'';
(B) in paragraph (3)--
(i) by striking out ``and 226'' and inserting in lieu
thereof ``226, and 236'';
(ii) by striking out ``and 2276'' and inserting in lieu
thereof ``2276, and 2284''; and
(iii) by striking out ``and'' at the end;
(C) by redesignating paragraph (4) as paragraph (5); and
(D) by inserting after paragraph (3) the following new
paragraph (4):
``(4) sections 46502 and 60123(b) of title 49; and''; and
(2) in the second sentence of subsection (c), by striking
out ``or (4)'' and inserting in lieu thereof ``(4), or (5)''.
(b) conforming Amendments.--(1) The section heading for
such section is amended to read as follows:
``Sec. 6105. Forfeiture: subversive activities; terrorist
activities; other criminal activities''.
(2) The table of sections at the beginning of chapter 61 of
that title is amended by striking out the item relating to
section 6105 and inserting in lieu thereof the following new
item:
``6105. Forfeiture: subversive activities; terrorist activities; other
criminal activities.''.
(c) Applicability.--The amendments made to section 6105 of
title 38, United States Code, by subsection (a) shall apply
to any person convicted under a provision of law added to
such section by such amendments after December 31, 1996.
______
By Mr. KERRY (for himself, Mr. Wellstone, Mr. Glenn, Mr. Biden
and Mr. Leahy):
S. 918. A bill to reform the financing of Federal elections; to the
Committee on Rules and Administration.
THE CLEAN MONEY CLEAN ELECTIONS ACT
Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, the Fourth of July will occur in a little
over 2 weeks. That is the date by which the President challenged the
Congress to act on campaign finance reform in this first session of the
105th Congress. I regret I must announce the obvious: not only has
neither house of the Congress addressed this issue in serious floor
debate and legislative action; there is virtually no prospect that
either house will do so by the time we leave for the July 4 recess. Nor
is it clear when or if the 105th Congress will address this issue.
The Fourth of July has other implications, of course, Mr. President--
and
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some of these, too, are related to campaign finance reform. This is a
peculiarly American holiday, when Americans throughout the Nation take
time out to gather in parks and back yards, at barbecues and picnics
and family reunions and community parades, to celebrate our democracy,
our freedom.
But I think there would be widespread agreement, as we do this in
1997, that there is an unease across the Nation about the political
process. The American people are concerned. Their concern is not
primarily about who their elected officials are. Their frustration,
cynicism, and anger run deep and broad--directed, as most of us
realize, at the entire political system.
Americans believe that their Government has been hijacked by special
interests, that the political system responds to the needs of wealthy
special interests, not the interests of ordinary, hard-working
citizens. They sense, in many ways, that the Congress is not
necessarily ``the people's house.''
We see evidence of this in the feeling of powerlessness described by
many Americans, and in the great gulf that grows wider between the
American people and their elected officials. You can see it expressed
frequently in town meetings and in various polls. The people feel that
Congress all too often fails to represent the real concerns of real
Americans, and they sense that they are being left out.
The result is that more and more Americans are checking out of the
system. If their democracy isn't going to respond to their concerns,
then they ask themselves why they should respond to the request that
they participate meaningfully in the political process. The reason for
the disconnect is very simple, Mr. President. The amount of money in
politics--money given to office seekers to campaign for office--
disenfranchises the average person who knows that he or she can never
hope to have the same kind of access as that money achieves for those
who give it.
Special interest money is moving and dictating and governing the
agenda of American politics, and most Americans understand that.
A few findings from a bipartisan poll tell the story: 49 percent of
registered voters believe that lobbyists and special interests control
the Federal Government; 92 percent of registered voters believe that
special interest contributions affect the votes of Members of Congress;
and 88 percent believe that people who make large campaign
contributions get special favors from politicians.
The evidence of public discontent could hardly be more compelling,
yet the Congress drifts on, with no apparent sense of urgency in trying
to respond to that discontent. We all understand there are differences
on each side of the aisle about the best way to address the problem,
but I do not see how anyone can say in good conscience that there is a
bona fide effort under way involving the leadership of both parties in
the U.S. Congress to even try to work out those differences.
If we want to regain the respect and confidence of the American
people and if we want to reconnect to them and reconnect them to our
democracy, we have to get the special interest money out of politics.
As my friend Ross Perot says, ``It's just that simple.''
The American people, however, are skeptical about either our
willingness or ability to do that, and it doesn't help that the 105th
Congress has yet to take up campaign finance reform. It doesn't help
that the President and the Speaker of the House shook hands in a very
public way 2 years ago and promised to do something about campaign
finance, and nothing has transpired between then and now to fulfill
that commitment, and from the perspective of the ordinary citizen who
wants to see the special interest money removed from politics, it
really looks like a conspiracy of inaction. Those who profit from the
current system --special interests who know how to play the game, and
politicians who know how to play the game--seem to be shutting down any
prospect of real change.
Mr. President, I know why people feel that way. I have been working
on campaign finance reform since I came to the Senate. I have worked
for years with my colleagues Joe Biden and Robert Byrd and others, and
with former Senators such as George Mitchell, David Boren, and Bill
Bradley--searching for the right equation to bring about change.
Although from my arrival in the Senate I have advocated sweeping
overhaul of the system, in recent times I have been a strong supporter
of the proposal advanced by John McCain and Russ Feingold, even though
it is incremental in design, because they succeeded in assembling a
package of reforms that bridged the party divide that so often has been
permitted to poison this debate and prevent meaningful action--and
because I believe so fervently that we must succeed to whatever extent
it is possible in moving toward what should be our objective.
Throughout these years of activity--the 12 years of my service as a
Senator--my goal has always been the same, to get special interest
influence and special interest access out of politics.
Mr. President, we come to the floor this afternoon on an auspicious
day--or, perhaps more accurately, an inauspicious day. In any event it
is a red-letter day for America. It was the day 25 years ago that was
the beginning of two very difficult years in American history. It was
25 years ago today that the famous burglary at the Watergate complex
overlooking the Potomac in Washington, DC, took place, followed by
coverup activities that reached into the Oval Office and resulted in
the resignation in disgrace of an American President.
During the investigation of the illegal activities, there were
multiple revelations of huge amounts of cash moving in brown paper bags
and leather briefcases. The public revulsion triggered real reform,
although that reform, sadly, was directed primarily toward only the
Presidential election financing system. But even that spirit of reform,
and the significant alterations of the system to which it led, has been
broken by those who want to trample it with the exploitation of every
loophole possible in the campaign finance system.
It is unfortunately fitting, then, Mr. President, that we return our
attention on this day to that nemesis of the democratic process, the
corrosive effect of money in politics.
This time, 25 years later, it is the no-holds-barred pursuit of quite
stunning amounts of money by both parties in the 1996 Presidential and
congressional elections that captures the attention and the
condemnation of the American people--and the allegations that many of
those who gave large sums to one or the other party, or one candidate
or another, expected favors in return, ranging from the trivial to the
significant.
The American people are not stupid. They know that there is no such
thing as a free lunch. They believe--with considerable justification--
that the scores of millions of dollars that flow from well-to-do
individuals and special interest organizations usually are not donated
out of absolute disinterested patriotism, admiration for the
candidates, and support for our electoral system.
They watch repeatedly as public policy decisions made by the Congress
and the Executive Branch appear to be influenced by those who have made
the contributions. They conclude--again, I fear, with considerable good
reason--that either those contributions directly affected the decision-
making process, or, at the very least, purchased for those contributors
a greater degree of access to the elected officials who make the
decisions, so that the contributors can more effectively and
persuasively make their case.
During this past election, 1996, not only in congressional races but
also, distressingly, in the Presidential campaign--and it is especially
distressing because many of us thought the Watergate reform legislation
of 1974 had suitably repaired the system of presidential campaign
finance--we saw a flood of special interest money the likes of which
have never previously been seen here or anywhere.
Every day during the past year, it has been impossible to open a
newspaper or turn on a television without being confronted by yet
another new revelation about an alleged campaign finance irregularity
or abuse--or a defense of the actions at which the charges are leveled.
And, I must say, the defenses are generally pretty lame. Those
against whom the allegations are leveled may be able to find protection
in the letter
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of the law, but they are unsuccessful in avoiding the opprobrium of the
American people and consequent cynicism about our government system.
I am one who believes we absolutely must do something to reverse the
trend if we are to save our precious democratic system. And I also have
concluded that the forces arrayed against the kind of partial public
financing approaches we previously have pushed are so strong that we
must find a new approach behind which it will be possible to develop
such strong consensus support across the nation that the Congress will
be unable to resist it.
To the extent competent polling and other public opinion assessment
techniques can make a reliable determination, the evidence is
persuasive that, while the American people are willing to embrace
radical change of campaign financing--to take all special interest
money and heave it over the side and shoulder all reasonable campaign
costs--they have only passing interest and precious little enthusiasm
for half-way measures. Their judgment appears to be that it would be a
waste of effort and tax dollars to invest public resources in a system
that retains any significant degree of special interest funding. They
see such an approach as playing them for chumps--while the influence of
special interests would remain as strong as it currently is.
What does seem to capture the attention and imagination--and
support--of a significant majority of Americans is sweeping reform of
campaign finance that removes all special interest money from the
system. This is not a notion dreamed up here in Washington--either here
on Capitol Hill or in an organization's office downtown. Activities to
implement such an approach to campaign finance reform have been
underway in a number of States, including my own State of
Massachusetts. Maine voters took the boldest step, approving such a
concept for State elections. Now Vermont has followed suit with a
provision applying to the Governor's office, and Governor Howard Dean
is poised to sign the proposal into law. Other State-level efforts are
in various stages of advancement.
Paul Wellstone and John Glenn came early-on to the same conclusion to
which I came--that we want to champion such an approach at the federal
level. And we have been joined by Joe Biden and Pat Leahy, and other
Senators are studying the idea carefully and we hope and trust we will
be joined by some of them in the near future.
We come to the floor today to introduce the Clean Money, Clean
Elections Act, a bill that, as its most important feature, takes all
special interest money out of Federal elections. This initiative will
offer a set amount of funding, based on a State's voting-age
population, to each candidate who agrees to foreswear private
contributions. It not only removes all special interest money from the
system, but also removes the necessity for candidates to spend a huge
amount of time fundraising and to pour massive amounts of the money
they do raise into further fundraising efforts.
In addition, this legislation will shut down the so-called soft
money, or unregulated money, loopholes that have permitted massive
amounts of special interest money to enter the electoral process around
even those restrictions that now exist.
This process takes a major step forward today with the introduction
of this legislation. Comparable efforts are underway in the House of
Representatives, and I understand a similar bill will be introduced
there in coming weeks.
We believe the people are, once again, ahead of Washington--and, once
again, ahead of the politicians. And we believe that ultimately this or
a derivative approach is the only way effectively to restore people's
confidence that, in America, anybody truly can run, and win--not just
those who have access to wealth or who are wealthy themselves.
This is a bill to restore our own democracy and preserve what we
think is the heart of our precious system. We hope and believe that--
with a strong assist from their constituents--increasing numbers of our
colleagues, over time, will come to recognize this and support the
bill.
This will not be a rapidly completed process, Mr. President. We
introduce this bill with the knowledge that it would not attract more
than perhaps a quarter of the votes in the Senate today. This will be a
journey, a journey of mobilizing the American people to require their
elected representatives to take needed action. Our bill will be the
objective, and it also will be the rallying point. And with the
commitment of the organizations and individuals who advocate this
approach, a movement will develop which cannot be stopped. Just as in
Maine and now in Vermont, the support will grow to critical mass and
these reforms will succeed.
I look forward to walking this road with all who support this
approach--both my colleagues in the Senate and friends outside the
Senate. We who introduce this bill are committed to fundamentally
changing our electoral system, and returning control of our elected
officials and their agenda to the people after wresting it back from
the special interests.
I believe we will succeed, and can look back on this day--the 25th
anniversary of a lamentable event in American history--as an important
beginning point in that endeavor.
I want to commend those colleagues who join in introducing this
legislation today--Senators Wellstone, Glenn, Biden, and Leahy. I
particularly want to compliment Senator Wellstone's capable staff,
especially Brian Ahlberg, who have invested countless hours in the
effort that is so essential but often unnoticed, of transforming
complex policy objectives into legislative language, working hand-in-
hand with Senate Legislative Counsel staff and representatives of
organizations which have been developing this idea at the State level.
My staff has greatly appreciated their contributions to this effort and
enjoyed working with them, as I have enjoyed the cooperative efforts
with Senator Wellstone and my other colleagues.
Mr. President, before I yield to Senator Wellstone and then, in turn,
to other Senators who may wish to make remarks about this legislation,
I ask unanimous consent that the full text of the bill be printed in
the Record at the conclusion of my remarks, followed by a summary of
the bill and a chart depicting the qualifying contribution requirement
and the ``Clean Money'' allocation and spending limit for a general
election that would apply to a candidate participating in the ``Clean
Money, Clean Election'' system in each State.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
S. 918
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Clean
Money, Clean Elections Act''.
(b) Table of Contents.--
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.
TITLE I--CLEAN MONEY FINANCING OF SENATE ELECTION CAMPAIGNS
Sec. 101. Findings and declarations.
Sec. 102. Eligibility requirements and benefits of clean money
financing of Senate election campaigns.
Sec. 103. Reporting requirements for expenditures of private money
candidates.
Sec. 104. Transition rule for current election cycle.
TITLE II--INDEPENDENT EXPENDITURES; COORDINATED EXPENDITURES
Sec. 201. Reporting requirements for independent expenditures.
Sec. 202. Definition of independent expenditure.
Sec. 203. Limit on expenditures by political party committees.
Sec. 204. Party independent expenditures and coordinated expenditures.
TITLE III--VOTER INFORMATION
Sec. 301. Free broadcast time.
Sec. 302. Broadcast rates and preemption.
Sec. 303. Campaign advertisements; issue advertisements.
Sec. 304. Limit on congressional use of the franking privilege.
TITLE IV--SOFT MONEY OF POLITICAL PARTY COMMITTEES
Sec. 401. Soft money of political party committee.
Sec. 402. State party grassroots funds.
Sec. 403. Reporting requirements.
TITLE V--RESTRUCTURING AND STRENGTHENING OF THE FEDERAL ELECTION
COMMISSION
Sec. 501. Appointment and terms of commissioners.
Sec. 502. Audits.
Sec. 503. Authority to seek injunction.
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Sec. 504. Standard for investigation.
Sec. 505. Petition for certiorari.
Sec. 506. Expedited procedures.
Sec. 507. Filing of reports using computers and facsimile machines.
Sec. 508. Power to issue subpoena without signature of chairperson.
Sec. 509. Prohibition of contributions by individuals not qualified to
vote.
TITLE VI--EFFECTIVE DATE
Sec. 601. Effective date.
TITLE I--CLEAN MONEY FINANCING OF SENATE ELECTION CAMPAIGNS
SEC. 101. FINDINGS AND DECLARATIONS.
(a) Undermining of Democracy by Campaign Contributions From
Private Sources.--The Senate finds and declares that the
current system of privately financed campaigns for election
to the Senate undermines democracy in the United States by--
(1) violating the democratic principle of ``one person, one
vote'' and diminishing the meaning of the right to vote by
allowing monied interests to have a disproportionate and
unfair influence within the political process;
(2) diminishing a Senator's accountability to constituents
by compelling legislators to be accountable to the major
contributors who finance their election campaigns;
(3) creating a conflict of interest, perceived and real, by
encouraging Senators to take money from private interests
that are directly affected by Federal legislation;
(4) imposing large, unwarranted costs on taxpayers through
legislative and regulatory outcomes shaped by unequal access
to lawmakers for campaign contributors;
(5) driving up the cost of election campaigns, making it
difficult for qualified candidates without personal fortunes
or access to campaign contributions from monied individuals
and interest groups to mount competitive Senate election
campaigns;
(6) disadvantaging challengers, because large campaign
contributors tend to give their money to incumbent Senators,
thus causing Senate elections to be less competitive; and
(7) burdening incumbents with a preoccupation with
fundraising and thus decreasing the time available to carry
out their public responsibilities.
(b) Enhancement of Democracy by Providing Clean Money.--The
Senate finds and declares that the replacement of private
campaign contributions with clean money financing for all
primary, runoff, and general elections to the Senate would
enhance American democracy by--
(1) helping to eliminate access to wealth as a determinant
of a citizen's influence within the political process and to
restore meaning to the principle of ``one person, one vote'';
(2) increasing the accountability of Senators to the
constituents who elect them;
(3) eliminating the inherent conflict of interest caused by
the private financing of the election campaigns of public
officials, thus restoring public confidence in the fairness
of the electoral and legislative processes;
(4) reversing the escalating cost of elections and saving
taxpayers billions of dollars that are currently misspent due
to legislative and regulatory agendas skewed by the influence
of contributions;
(5) creating a more level playing field for incumbents and
challengers, creating genuine opportunities for all Americans
to run for the Senate, and encouraging more competitive
elections; and
(6) freeing Senators from the constant preoccupation with
raising money, and allowing them more time to carry out their
public responsibilities.
SEC. 102. ELIGIBILITY REQUIREMENTS AND BENEFITS OF CLEAN
MONEY FINANCING OF SENATE ELECTION CAMPAIGNS.
The Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 (2 U.S.C. 431 et
seq.) is amended by adding at the end the following:
``TITLE V--CLEAN MONEY FINANCING OF SENATE ELECTION CAMPAIGNS
``SEC. 501. DEFINITIONS.
``In this title:
``(1) Allowable contribution.--The term `allowable
contribution' means a qualifying contribution or seed money
contribution.
``(2) Clean money.--The term `clean money' means funds that
are made available by the Commission to a clean money
candidate under this title.
``(3) Clean money candidate.--The term `clean money
candidate' means a candidate for the Senate who is certified
under section 505 as being eligible to receive clean money.
``(4) Clean money qualifying period.--The term `clean money
qualifying period' means the period beginning on the date
that is 270 days before the date of the primary election and
ending on the date that is 30 days before the date of the
general election.
``(5) General election period.--The term `general election
period' means, with respect to a candidate, the period
beginning on the day after the date of the primary or primary
runoff election for the specific office that the candidate is
seeking, whichever is later, and ending on the earlier of--
``(A) the date of the general election; or
``(B) the date on which the candidate withdraws from the
campaign or otherwise ceases actively to seek election.
``(6) General runoff election period.--The term `general
runoff election period' means, with respect to a candidate,
the period beginning on the day following the date of the
last general election for the specific office that the
candidate is seeking and ending on the date of the runoff
election for that office.
``(7) Immediate family.--The term `immediate family'
means--
``(A) a candidate's spouse;
``(B) a child, stepchild, parent, grandparent, brother,
half-brother, sister, or half-sister of the candidate or the
candidate's spouse; and
``(C) the spouse of any person described in subparagraph
(B).
``(8) Major party candidate.--The term `major party
candidate' means a candidate of a political party of which a
candidate for Senator, for President, or for Governor in the
preceding 5 years received, as a candidate of that party, 25
percent or more of the total number of popular votes received
in the State by all candidates for the same office.
``(9) Personal funds.--The term `personal funds' means an
amount that is derived from--
``(A) the personal funds of the candidate or a member of
the candidate's immediate family; and
``(B) proceeds of indebtedness incurred by the candidate or
a member of the candidate's immediate family.
``(10) Personal use.--
``(A) In general.--The term `personal use' means the use of
funds to fulfill a commitment, obligation, or expense of a
person that would exist irrespective of the candidate's
election campaign or individual's duties as a holder of
Federal office.
``(B) Inclusions.--The term `personal use' includes--
``(i) a home mortgage, rent, or utility payment;
``(ii) a clothing purchase;
``(iii) a noncampaign-related automobile expense;
``(iv) a country club membership;
``(v) a vacation or other noncampaign-related trip;
``(vi) a household food item;
``(vii) a tuition payment;
``(viii) admission to a sporting event, concert, theater,
or other form of entertainment not associated with an
election campaign; and
``(ix) dues, fees, and other payments to a health club or
recreational facility.
``(11) Primary election period.--The term `primary election
period' means the period beginning on the date that is 90
days before the date of the primary election and ending on
the date of the primary election.
``(12) Primary runoff election period.--The term `primary
runoff election period' means, with respect to a candidate,
the period beginning on the day following the date of the
last primary election for the specific office that the
candidate is seeking and ending on the date of the runoff
election for that office.
``(13) Private money candidate.--The term `private money
candidate' means a candidate for the Senate other than a
clean money candidate.
``(14) Qualifying contribution.--The term `qualifying
contribution' means a contribution that--
``(A) is in the amount of $5 exactly;
``(B) is made by an individual who is registered to vote in
the candidate's State;
``(C) is made during the clean money qualifying period; and
``(D) meets the requirements of section 502(a)(2)(D).
``(15) Seed money contribution.--The term `seed money
contribution' means a contribution (or contributions in the
aggregate made by any 1 person) of not more than $100.
``(16) Senate election fund.--The term `Senate Election
Fund' means the fund established by section 507(a).
``SEC. 502. ELIGIBILITY FOR CLEAN MONEY.
``(a) Primary Election Period and Primary Runoff Election
Period.--
``(1) In general.--A candidate qualifies as a clean money
candidate during the primary election period and primary
runoff election period if the candidate files with the
Commission a declaration, signed by the candidate and the
treasurer of the candidate's principal campaign committee,
that the candidate--
``(A) has complied and will comply with all of the
requirements of this title;
``(B) will not run in the general election as a private
money candidate; and
``(C) meets the qualifying contribution requirement of
paragraph (2).
``(2) Qualifying contribution requirement.--
``(A) Major party candidates.--The requirement of this
paragraph is met if, during the clean money qualifying
period, a major party candidate receives the greater of--
``(i) 1,000 qualifying contributions; or
``(ii) a number of qualifying contributions equal to 0.25
percent of the voting age population of the candidate's
State.
``(B) Candidates that are not major party candidates.--The
requirement of this paragraph is met if, during the clean
money qualifying period, a candidate that is not a major
party candidate receives a number of qualifying contributions
that is at least 150 percent of the number of qualifying
contributions that a major party candidate in the same
election is required to receive under subparagraph (A).
``(C) Receipt of qualifying contribution.--A qualifying
contribution shall--
``(i) be accompanied by the contributor's name and home
address;
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``(ii) be accompanied by a signed statement that the
contributor understands the purpose of the qualifying
contribution;
``(iii) be made by a personal check or money order payable
to the Senate Election Fund or by cash; and
``(iv) be acknowledged by a receipt that is sent to the
contributor with a copy kept by the candidate for the
Commission and a copy kept by the candidate for the election
authorities in the candidate's State.
``(D) Deposit of qualifying contributions in senate
election fund.--
``(i) In general.--Not later than the date that is 1 day
after the date on which the candidate is certified under
section 505, a candidate shall remit all qualifying
contributions to the Commission for deposit in the Senate
Election Fund.
``(ii) Candidates that are not certified.--Not later than
the last day of the clean money qualifying period, a
candidate who has received qualifying contributions and is
not certified under section 505 shall remit all qualifying
contributions to the Commission for deposit in the Senate
Election Fund.
``(3) Time to file declaration.--A declaration under
paragraph (1) shall be filed by a candidate not later than
the date that is 30 days before the date of the primary
election.
``(b) General Election Period.--
``(1) In general.--A candidate qualifies as a clean money
candidate during the general election period if--
``(A)(i) the candidate qualified as a clean money candidate
during the primary election period (and primary runoff
election period, if applicable); or
``(ii) the candidate files with the Commission a
declaration, signed by the candidate and the treasurer of the
candidate's principal committee, that the candidate--
``(I) has complied and will comply with all the
requirements of this title; and
``(II) meets the qualifying contribution requirement of
subsection (a)(2);
``(B) the candidate files with the Commission a written
agreement between the candidate and the candidate's political
party in which the political party agrees not to make any
expenditures in connection with the general election of the
candidate in excess of the limit in section 315(d)(3)(C); and
``(C) the candidate's party nominated the candidate to be
placed on the ballot for the general election or the
candidate qualified to be placed on the ballot as an
independent candidate, and the candidate is qualified under
State law to be on the ballot.
``(2) Time to file declaration or statement.--A declaration
or statement required to be filed under paragraph (1) shall
be filed by a candidate not later than the date that is 30
days before the date of the general election.
``(c) General Runoff Election Period.--A candidate
qualifies as a clean money candidate during the general
runoff election period if the candidate qualified as a clean
money candidate during the general election period.
``SEC. 503. REQUIREMENTS APPLICABLE TO CLEAN MONEY
CANDIDATES.
``(a) Obligation To Comply.--A clean money candidate who
accepts benefits during the primary election period shall
comply with all the requirements of this Act through the
primary runoff election period, the general election period,
and the general runoff election period (if applicable)
whether the candidate continues to accept benefits or not.
``(b) Contributions and Expenditures.--
``(1) Prohibition of private contributions.--Except as
otherwise provided in this title, during the election cycle
of a clean money candidate, the candidate shall not accept
contributions other than clean money from any source.
``(2) Prohibition of expenditures from private sources.--
Except as otherwise provided in this title, during the
election cycle of a clean money candidate, the candidate
shall not make expenditures from any amounts other than clean
money amounts.
``(c) Use of Personal Funds.--
``(1) In general.--A clean money candidate shall not use
personal funds to make an expenditure except as provided in
paragraph (2).
``(2) Exceptions.--A seed money contribution or qualifying
contribution from the candidate or a member of the
candidate's immediate family shall not be considered to be
use of personal funds.
``(d) Debates.--
``(1) Number of debates.--A clean money candidate shall
participate in at least--
``(A) 1 public debate with other clean money candidates
from the same party for the same office during the primary
election period; and
``(B) 2 public debates with other clean money candidates
for the same office during the general election period.
``(2) Regulation.--The Commission shall promulgate a
regulation as necessary to carry out paragraph (1).
``SEC. 504. SEED MONEY.
``(a) Seed Money Limit.--A clean money candidate may accept
seed money contributions in an aggregate amount not
exceeding--
``(1) $50,000; plus
``(2) if there is more than 1 congressional district in the
candidate's State, an amount that is equal to $5,000 times
the number of additional congressional districts.
``(b) Contribution Limit.--Except as provided in section
502(a)(2), a clean money candidate shall not accept a
contribution from any person except a seed money contribution
(as defined in section 501).
``(c) Records.--A clean money candidate shall maintain a
record of the contributor's name, street address, and amount
of the contribution.
``(d) Use of Seed Money.--
``(1) In general.--A clean money candidate may expend seed
money for any election campaign-related costs, including
costs to open an office, fund a grassroots campaign, or hold
community meetings.
``(2) Prohibited uses.--A clean money candidate shall not
expend seed money for--
``(A) a television or radio broadcast; or
``(B) personal use.
``(e) Report.--Unless a seed money contribution or
expenditure made with a seed money contribution has been
reported previously under section 304, a clean money
candidate shall file with the Commission a report disclosing
all seed money contributions and expenditures not later than
48 hours after--
``(1) the earliest date on which the Commission makes funds
available to the candidate for an election period under
paragraph (1) or (2) of section 506(b); or
``(2) the end of the clean money qualifying period,
whichever occurs first.
``(f) Time to Accept and Expend Seed Money Contributions.--
A clean money candidate may accept and expend seed money
contributions for an election during the time period
beginning on the day after the date of the previous general
election for the office to which the candidate is seeking
election and ending on the earliest date on which the
Commission makes funds available to the candidate for an
election period under paragraph (1) or (2) of section 506(b).
``(g) Deposit of Unspent Seed Money Contributions.--A clean
money candidate shall remit any unspent seed money to the
Commission, for deposit in the Senate Election Fund, not
later than the earliest date on which the Commission makes
funds available to the candidate for an election period under
paragraph (1) or (2) of section 506(b).
``(h) Not Considered an expenditure.--An expenditure made
with seed money shall not be treated as an expenditure for
purposes of section 506(f)(2).
``SEC. 505. CERTIFICATION BY COMMISSION.
``(a) In General.--Not later than 5 days after a candidate
files a declaration under section 502, the Commission shall--
``(1) determine whether the candidate meets the eligibility
requirements of section 502; and
``(2) certify whether or not the candidate is a clean money
candidate.
``(b) Revocation of Certification.--The Commission may
revoke a certification under subsection (a) if a candidate
fails to comply with this title.
``(c) Repayment of Benefits.--If certification is revoked
under subsection (b), the candidate shall repay to the Senate
Election Fund an amount equal to the value of benefits
received under this title.
``SEC. 506. BENEFITS FOR CLEAN MONEY CANDIDATES.
``(a) In General.--A clean money candidate shall be
entitled to--
``(1) a clean money amount for each election period to make
or obligate to make expenditures during the election period
for which the clean money is provided, as provided in
subsection (c);
``(2) media benefits under section 315 of the
Communications Act of 1934 (47 U.S.C. 315); and
``(3) an aggregate amount of increase in the clean money
amount in response to certain independent expenditures and
expenditures of a private money candidate under subsection
(d) that, in the aggregate, are in excess of 125 percent of
the clean money amount of the clean money candidate.
``(b) Payment of Clean Money Amount.--
``(1) Primary election.--The Commission shall make funds
available to a clean money candidate on the later of--
``(A) the date on which the candidate is certified as a
clean money candidate under section 505; or
``(B) the date on which the primary election period begins.
``(2) General election.--The Commission shall make funds
available to a clean money candidate not later than 48 hours
after--
``(A) certification of the primary election or primary
runoff election result; or
``(B) the date on which the candidate is certified as a
clean money candidate under section 505 for the general
election,
whichever occurs first.
``(3) Runoff election.--The Commission shall make funds
available to a clean money candidate not later than 48 hours
after the certification of the primary or general election
result (as applicable).
``(c) Clean Money Amounts.--
``(1) Primary election clean money amount.--
``(A) Major party candidates.--The primary election clean
money amount with respect to a clea
